Lately we have followed developments in Spain, still under way, where the Catalonia region has attempted to change its autonomy within Spain to independence. For those unfamiliar with the region, it is located in the north-east of Spain, on the border with France and Andorra, and whose capital is Barcelona.
The first step consisted of a referendum this year on the 1st of October, where 43% of the population voted from whom 92% were in favour of independence, a referendum declared unconstitutional by the Spanish Constitutional Court and which was hampered even violently by the Spanish police.
Then on the 10th of October, the then President of Catalonia, Carles Pugdemont, issues a rather confusing statement which first declared that the Catalonian people had given a mandate for the region to become independent and then immediately declared he would be asking the Catalonian Parliament to suspend the effect of this declaration in order to enable talks with the Spanish government, talks that the latter had absolutely no intention of undertaking.
Finally, on 27th October, Catalonia’s Parliament passed a resolution where it unilaterally declared independence.
This all resulted in nought, as immediately the Spanish government sacked a number of Catalonia’s ministers and the President, took the running of the region into its hands and called a fresh election, while a Spanish court initiated proceedings against the region’s leaders for sedition.
This case seems curious for a few reasons. Firstly, there does seem to be a strong sentiment in the region for independenc from Spain, however it does not seem to be predominant. With all its defects, including disruption by the police and the declared Spanish anti-constitutionality of the exercised, the result of the referendum (92% in favour out of the 43% that voted) did not demonstrate a substantial majority in the region were actually in favour of independence.
Secondly, after the declaration of the 27th October, it seems that the region’s leaders did not take steps to implement the declaration itself. For example, if the region is really independent, why did it accept decisions coming from Spain’s central government? Why wasn’t there a mobilisation of Catalonia’s police and the local administration?
It does seem that the effect of the unilateral independence declaration was, and intended to be, only symbolic, whatever was the impression given to those who were in favour of this step.
Nevertheless, the Spanish government seems to be intent to respect neither the declaration of independence that has occurred, neither the strong independent sentiment in the region. This sentiment will not fade away, not at all. This region has long roots in history, starting at the start of the second century AD, where a number of counties in the north-east of the Iberian peninsula, united under the county of Barcelona to become the Principality of Catalonia.
We Maltese are perhaps not too familiar with the Catalonia region, but if we consider the Principality of Catalonia then combined with the Kingdom of Aragon under the so-called Aragon Crown, the bell in Maltese history rings of the Aragonese reign, between 1282 and 1530, when Malta then passed into the hands of the knights.
In those times, Catalonia already had its structure, traditions and language (Catalan) which is still spoken today. It has a history of at least a thousand years, and this cannot be denied overnight, even if inconvenient to the Spanish government, and triggers shivers up the spine of other European countries that also have their ancient and proud regions that they’d prefer remain quiet.
In my view the independence declaration was premature, and the regions’ leaders did not give much importance to the impact of the Catalan region, which is the richest in Spain, on the rest of the country when it simply leaves. Nevertheless I think there are legitimate aspirations, founded in history, that need to be considered and respected, even if unclear whether they reflect the will of the majority of inhabitants in the region. Perhaps the steps taken by the pro-independence leaders of Catalonia were hurried and not well thought out.
On the other hand, I think that the response of the Spanish state, that of using the iron fist and rejecting all discussion on the subject, is also too hurried and not well thought out. Why doesn’t the Spanish constitution permit the holding a referendum on Catalan independence, both in the region and in the whole country?
The aspirations of a substantial part of the populace, if legitimate and strongly rooted in the history of a people culturally distinct, cannot be extinguished with a flick of a switch, and if discarded peremptorily might lead to other, ugly, consequences. The story of the Basque region is too fresh in memory, with the terrorism of the ETA group.
It’s better to have a political, democratic, civil, constitutional discussion, on possible forms of higher autonomy that were possible until yesterday, and/or other forms of cooperation, than the stomping of boots, brandishing of firearms, the use of truncheons and throwing people into jail.
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Dan l-aħħar segwejna l-iżviluppi fi Spanja, li għadhom sejrin, fejn ir-reġjun tal-Katalonja għamel attentat kontroversjali biex l-awtonomija tiegħu fi ħdan Spanja jibdilha f’indipendenza. Għal min mhux familjari miegħu, dan ir-reġun jinsab fil-grigal ta’ Spanja, fuq il-fruntiera ma’ Franza u Andorra, u l-belt kapitali tiegħu hija Barċellona.
L-ewwel pass kien jikkonsisti fir-referendum tal-1 ta’ Ottubru ta’ din is-sena, fejn 43% tal-popolazzjoni ivvutat li minnhom kien hemm 92% favur l-indipendenza, referendum li kien iddikjarat kontra l-kostituzzjoni mill-Qorti Kostituzzjonali Spanjola, u li kien imfixkel anke bi vjolenza mill-pulizija Spanjola.
Imbagħad fl-10 ta’ Ottubru, il-President ta’ dakinhar tal-Katalonja Carles Pugdemont ħareġ stqarrija kemmxejn konfuża fejn l-ewwel iddikjara li l-poplu tal Katalonja kien ta mandat sabiex ir-reġjun isir indipendenti u immedjatament stqarr li se jsaqsi lill-Parlament tal-Katalonja biex jissospendi l-effetti ta’ din id-dikjarazzjoni sabiex isiru taħdidiet mal-gvern Spanjol, taħdidiet li dan tal-aħħar ma kellu assolutament ebda intenzjoni li jagħmel.
Fl-aħħarnett, fis-27 ta’ Ottubru, il-Parlament tal-Katalonja għadda riżoluzzjoni fejn unilateralment iddikjara l-indipendenza.
Dan kollu sfaxxa fix-xejn, għax immedjatament il-gvern Spanjol keċċa lil diversi ministri tal-Katalonja u l-President, f’idejh it-tmexxija tar-reġjun u għajjat għal elezzjoni ġdida, filwaqt li qorti Spanjola bdiet proċeduri kontra dawn il-mexxejja tar-reġjun għal sedizzjoni.
Dan il-każ narah kurjuż għal diversi raġunijiet. L-ewwel ħaġa, jidher li hemm sentiment qawwi f’dan ir-reġjun għall-indipendenza minn Spanja, iżda ma jidhirx li huwa predominanti. Bid-difetti kollha tiegħu, inkluż it-tfixkil mill-pulizija u d-dikjarazzjoni li kien kontra l-kostituzzjoni ta’ Spanja, ir-riżultat tar-referendum (92% favur minn 43% li vvutaw) ma weriex li kien hemm maġġoranza sostanzjali tar-reġjun li kienu favur l-indipendenza.
It-tieni nett, wara d-dikjarazzjoni tas-27 ta’ Ottubru, jidher li l-mexxejja tar-reġjun ma ħadux passi biex jimplementaw id-dikjarazzjoni infisha. Per eżempju, jekk ir-reġjun verament huwa indipendenti, kif aċċetta d-deċiżjonijiet li ġew mill-gvern ċentrali ta’ Spanja? Kif ma kienx hemm mobilizzazzjoni tal-pulizija ta’ Katalonja u tal-amministrazzjoni lokali?
Għalhekk jidher li d-dikjarazzjoni unilaterali tal-indipendenza li saret jidher li kellha biss effett, u intenzjoni li tkun, simbolika, kien x’kien l-impressjoni li ngħatat lil dawk li jappoġġjaw dan il-pass.
Madankollu, il-gvern Spanjol jidher li għandu l-intenzjoni li la jirrispetta d-dikjarazzjoni tal-indipendenza li saret, u lanqas tas-sentiment qawwi indipendenti li hemm fir-reġjun. Dan is-sentiment mhux se jispiċċa fix-xejn, tutt’altru. Dan ir-reġjun għandu għeruq twal fl-istorja, ilu ġej mill-bidu tat-tieni seklu w.K., fejn numru ta’ kontej fil-grigal tal-peninsula Iberika, ingħaqdu taħt il-konti ta’ Barċellona biex isiru l-Prinċipalità tal-Katalonja.
Aħna l-Maltin forsi m’aħniex wisq familjari mar-reġjun tal-Katalonja, imma jekk nikkunsidraw li l-Prinċipalità tal-Katalonja imbagħad ingħaqad mar-renju ta’ Aragon taħt l’hekk imsejjaħ Kuruna ta’ Aragon, iddoqq il-qanpiena fl-istorja Maltija tal-ħakma tal-Aragoniżi, li saret bejn l-1282 sal-1530, meta Malta imbagħad għaddiet f’idejn il-Kavallieri.
Matul dak iż-żmien, il-Kalalonja diġà kellha l-istruttura tagħha, it-tradizzjonijiet tagħha, il-lingwa tagħha (il-Katalan) li għadu mitkellem illum. Għalhekk għandha storja ta’ mill-inqas elf sena, u dan ma jistax jitħassar mil-lum għall-għada, anke jekk hu inkonvenjenti għall-gvern Spanjol u jqabbad il-bard f’pajjiżi oħra Ewropej li għandhom ir-reġjuni antiki u kburin tagħhom li jippreferuhom li jibqgħu kwieti.
Jien ngħid li d-dikjarazzjoni tal-indipendenza li saret kienet prematura, u l-mexxejja tiegħu ma tawx importanza lill-impatt li r-reġjun Katalan, li hu l-iktar għani fi Spanja, ikollu fuq il-bqija tal-pajjiż meta sempliċement jitlaq. Madankollu hemm aspirazzjonijiet narahom leġittimi, fundati fl-istorja, li jridu jiġu kkunsidrati u rrispettati, anke jekk mhux ċar li jirriflettu r-rieda tal-maġġoranza tal-abitanti tar-reġjun. Forsi l-passi li ttieħdu mill-mexxejja pro-indipendentisti tal-Katalonja kienu mgħaġġla u mhux maħsubin fit-tul.
Mill-banda l-oħra, jien naħseb ukoll li r-risposta tal-istat Spanjol, li juża l-id tal-ħadid u jirriġetta kull diskussjoni fuq is-suġġett, huwa wkoll mgħaġġel u mhux maħsub fit-tul. Għalfejn il-Kostituzzjoni Spanjola ma tippermettix li jsir referendum fuq l-indipendenza Katalana, kemm fir-reġjun u kemm fil-pajjiż sħiħ?
L-aspirazzjoni ta’ parti sostanzjali tal-poplu, jekk huwa leġittimu u b’għeruq b’saħħithom fl-istorja ta’ poplu kulturalment distint, ma jintefiex qisu swiċċ, u jekk jixxejjen mingħajr kumplimenti għandu mnejn iwassal għal konsegwenzi oħra, koroh. L-istorja tar-reġjun Bask għadu frisk wisq fil-memorja, bit-terroriżmu tal-grupp ETA.
Aħjar diskussjoni miftuħa politika, demokratika, ċivili, kostituzzjonali, fuq forom possibbli ta’ iktar awtonomija milli kien hemm sal-bieraħ, u/jew fuq forom differenti ta’ kooperazzjoni, milli t-tisbit tal-istvali, tixjir tal-ixkubetti, daqqiet tal-lembubi u tfigħ ta’ nies ‘il-ħabs.
