XR

 

One of my childhood memories in Malta was the mind-blowing love shown by many aficionados on the various versions of the Ford Escort car.  Many are (or at least were) such vehicles still going round the roads, all shiny and their stereo booming, changing hands after being announced on the buying and selling pages of the newspapers, especially the first models Mark I, Mark II and Mark III, the latter also known as XR3.

 

Nevertheless I’ll be disappointing some readers of this column who are also keen on cars, as it’s not on four wheeled vehicles I’ll be talking today.

 

XR is a short reference to a distinctive international movement of ordinary people, called Extinction Rebellion, which was set up a year ago almost on the day (31st October 2018) in London.  This uses civil disobedience and non-violence to try and stop mass extinctions and minimise the risk of social collapse.1

 

The words ‘extinction’ and ‘emergency’ are used often by the group to convey a sense of urgency about the current situation and the storms, both metaphorical and literal being faced by our planet and its ecosystem.  These include the reduction in biodiversity with currently the highest rate of loss of species since the time of the dinosaurs 65 million years ago,2 climate change with is leading to a rise in sea levels, desertification, an increase in wildfires, lack of water, the failure of crop land and the increase of climate extremes.

 

They foresee that these will lead to millions of people being displaced, and increase of illness, a higher risk of conflict and wars as well as impacts on human rights.3

 

The group remarks that the conventional systems such as voting (read democracy), lobbying of members of parliament, petitions and protests have utterly failed, due to strong political and economic interests.  Therefore, the group strategy is that of civil disobedience, carried out non-violently but aiming to interrupt and disrupt, and so be well felt.  In other words, a rebellion.4

 

This strategy in principle is not so different to industrial action known as the strike.  In this, worker organisations known as trade unions, if having a dispute with an employer, generally (though not always) regarding working conditions and for an excessive period of time, can issue a directive which in some way affects the normal operations of the enterprise.  It can for example order that workers work slowly (go-slow), only carry out strictly what they were employed to do (work to rule), stop working and remain in the work building (sit-in strike), or simply leave (strike).  The actions are generally legal and protected if carried out under strict conditions prescribed by law.5

 

Industrial actions of this type have led to wholesale changes to the dynamic between the employer (powerful) and workers (weak), with general improvements in health and safety at work, wages and salaries, the introduction of paid leave, for vacation or periods of sickness etc etc.  These actions disrupt the operations of the enterprise concerned, without a shadow of doubt, and the effects include the enterprise functioning less efficiently or not at all, can lose customers, lose money, might even have an effect on the country’s economy.  Finally, one cannot forget that workers undertaking such action in some cases also have their own pay packet impacted.

 

These kinds of actions involve many sacrifices for a lot of people, and therefore one would expect they are undertaken only in extreme or desperate situations.  One expects and notes that generally the owner or person in power would do everything they can for the action not to be undertaken or to limit the effect it might have.

 

Coming back to XR and the context of an ecological and environmental emergency, we can not the types of civil disobedience that is being undertaken.  In various part of Australia, participants have blocked traffic at crossroads, glued themselves to a bridge or the road, tied themselves to concrete objects, stripped to their underwear or beyond and marched to the city centre etc.

 

Many participants were arrested by police, some ordered not to move to the city centre (until the order was over-ruled by a court).  Activists were criticised by members of the Australian Government, such as Minister Peter Dutton who grumbled that these were not interested in Australians that simply wanted to go to work, run their businesses and not be interfered with in any way.  He also said he hoped there would be more arrests and that they should be slapped with the costs of police resources.  The state governments of Victoria and Queensland were also very critical.6

 

Naturally this disruption and inconvenience is happening, clearly.  It is also the whole point of the action – to create disruption, as nowhere have I heard those in authority deal with, or show the slightest interest, in the problem being espoused by XR activists, also being reported with urgency by environmental scholars.

 

XR aims to have the support of 3.5% of the population in all countries, as it believes this is sufficient to result in the necessary changes.  So help them God.

 

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Waħda mit-tifkiriet tiegħi minn tfuliti f’Malta kienet il-ġenn muri minn ħafna dilettanti fuq il-verżjonijiet differenti tal-karozza Ford Escort.  Ħafna huma dawk il-vetturi li għadhom (jew talinqas kienu) iduru t-toroq, ileqqu sbieħ bl-isterjo ifajjar bumm-bumm-bumm, u jibdlu l-idejn wara li jinġiebu fil-paġni tax-xiri u bejgħ tal-karozzi fuq il-gazzetti, speċjalment l-ewwel mudelli Mark I, Mark II u Mark III, tal-aħħar ukoll magħrufa bħala XR3.

 

Madankollu se niddiżappunta lill-qarrejja ta’ din il-kolonna li huma wkoll dilettanti tal-karozzi, għax mhux fuq vetturi ta’ erba’ roti se nitkellem illum.

 

XR hija riferenza qasira u distintiva ta’ moviment internazzjonali ta’ nies ordinarji, imsejjaħ Extinction Rebellion (Irvell dwar l-Estinzjoni), li twaqqaf bħal-lum sena (fil-31 ta’ Ottubru 2018) f’Londra.  Dan juża d-diżubbidjenza ċivili u non-vjolenti biex jipprova jwaqqaf l-estinzjoni tal-massa u jimminimizza r-riskju ta’ kollass soċjali.1

 

Il-kliem ‘estinzjoni’ u ‘emerġenza’ huma kliem li jintużaw spiss mill-grupp biex iwasslu sens ta’ urġenza dwar is-sitwazzjoni preżenti u l-irwiefen, kemm metaforiċi kif ukoll litterali, li qed tiffaċċja l-pjaneta tagħna u ekosistema li taħdem fuqha.  Dawn jinkludu t-tnaqqis ta’ biodiversità bl-iktar rata għolja ta’ telf ta’ speċi miż-żmien tad-dinosawri 65 miljun sena ilu,2 it-tibdil tal-klima li qed iwassal għal żieda fl-għoli tal-livell tal-baħar, id-deżertifikazzjoni, iż-żieda ta’ nirien mingħajr kontroll, nuqqas ta’ ilma, il-falliment tal-uċuħ tar-raba’ u ż-żieda ta’ klima estrema.

 

Jipprevedu li dawn se jwasslu għal miljuni ta’ nies li jinqalgħu minn darhom, żieda fil-mard, riskju akbar ta’ kunflitti u gwerer u impatti fuq id-drittijiet tal-bniedem.3

 

Il-grupp jirrimarka li s-sistemi konvenzjonali tal-votazzjoni (id-demokrazija), konvinċiment tal-membri tal-parlament, petizzjonijiet u protesti fallew għal kollox, minħabba interessi qawwija politiċi u ekonomiċi.  Għalhekk, l-istrateġija tal-grupp hija d-diżubbidjenza ċivili, li ssir b’mod non-vjolenti iżda li tisfratta u tfixkel, u għalhekk tinħass sew.  Fi kliem ieħor, irvell.4

 

Din l-istrateġija fil-prinċipju mhix daqstant differenti mill-azzjoni fid-dinja industrijali magħrufa tal-istrajk.  Fiha, organizzazzjoni ta’ ħaddiema magħrufa bħala trejd unjin, jekk ikollha ġlieda ma’ min iħaddem, ġeneralment (imma mhux biss) fuq kundizzjonijiet ta’ xogħol u għal tul żejjed ta’ żmien, tista’ toħroġ direttiva li b’xi mod taffettwa l-operat normali ta’ impriża.  Tista’ per eżempju tordna li l-ħaddiema jaħdmu bil-mod (go slow), jagħmlu biss strettament dak li imħallsin għalih (work to rule), jieqfu jaħdmu u jibqgħu fil-post (sit-in strike), jew li jitilqu ‘l barra.  L-azzjonijiet ġeneralment ikunu legali u protetti jekk isiru taħt kundizzjonijiet stretti preskritti bil-liġi.5

 

Azzjonijiet industrijali ta’ dan it-tip wasslu għal bidliet kbar fid-dinamika bejn is-sid (b’saħħtu) u l-ħaddiema (dgħajfa), b’titjib tas-saħħa u s-sigurtà fuq il-post tax-xogħol, titjib fil-pagi u s-salarji, l-introduzzjoni tal-lif imħallas, kemm għall-konvenjenza jew btala, kif ukoll għall-perjodi ta’ mard eċċ eċċ.  Dawn l-azzjonijiet bla dubju jfixklu l-operat tal-impriżi involuti, u l-effetti jinkludu li l-impriża taħdem inqas effiċjenti jew tieqaf għal kollox, tista’ titlef il-klijenti, titlef il-flus, jista’ jkun hemm effett fuq l-ekonomija tal-pajjiż eċċ.  Finalment, wieħed ma jridx jinsa li l-ħaddiema li jkunu qiegħdin jagħmlu l-azzjoni f’xi każijiet ikollhom impatt fuq il-paga tagħhom.

 

Azzjoni ta’ dan it-tip tinvolvi sagrifiċċji għal ħafna nies, u għaldaqstant wieħed jistenna li azzjonijiet simili jittieħdu biss f’sitwazzjoni estrema jew ta’ disperazzjoni.  Wieħed jistenna u jinnota wkoll li ġeneralment min ikun is-sid jew fil-poter jagħmel minn kollox biex l-azzjoni ma titteħidx jew li jkun limitat l-effett tagħha.

 

Jekk niġu lura għal XR u l-kuntest ta’ emerġenza ekoloġika u ambjentali, nistgħu ninnotaw x’tip ta’ diżubbidjenza ċivili li qed issir.  F’diversi partijiet tal-Awstralja, parteċipanti bblukkaw it-traffiku fi slaleb it-toroq, inkullaw lilhom infushom ma’ pont jew mal-art ta’ triq, rabtu lilhom infushom ma’ oġġetti tal-konkrit, neżgħu sal-ħwejjeġ ta’ taħt jew iktar u mmarċjaw fil-belt eċċ.

 

Ħafna parteċipanti ġew arrestati mill-pulizija, uħud ġew ordnati ma jerġgħux jersqu lejn iċ-ċentru tal-belt (qabel din l-ordni ġiet imwarrba mill-qorti).  L-attivisti ġew ikkritikati minn membri tal-gvern Awstralja, bħall-Ministru Peter Dutton li gerger li dawn ma jinteressahomx mill-Awstraljani li sempliċement iridu jmorru għax-xogħol, iħaddmu l-impriżi tagħhom u ma jkunux imfixkla.  Qal ukoll li jispera li jkun hemm iktar arrestati, u li għandhom jitwaħħlu bl-ispejjeż tar-riżorsi tal-pulizija.  Il-gvernijiet statali ta’ Victoria u Queensland ukoll kienu kritiċi ħafna.6

 

Naturalment dan it-tfixkil u l-inkonvenjent qiegħed isir, dan huwa ċar.  Huwa wkoll il-punt tal-azzjoni – li jsir it-tfixkil, għax imkien ma smajt b’dawn in-nies fl-awtorità jittrattaw, jew juru l-inqas nitfa ta’ interess, fil-problema  li jaraw l-attivisti tal-XR, u li qed jiġu rrappurtati b’urġenza mill-istudjużi fl-oqsma ambjentali.

 

L-XR timmira li jkollha appoġġ ta’ 3.5% tal-popolazzjoni ta’ kull pajjiż, li tgħid li hu biżżejjed biex titwettaq il-bidla neċessarja.  Minn fommhom għal Alla.

 

 

1https://rebellion.earth/the-truth/about-us/, retrieved 13/10/2019

2https://www.biologicaldiversity.org/programs/biodiversity/elements_of_biodiversity/extinction_crisis/, retrieved 13/10/2019

3https://rebellion.earth/the-truth/the-emergency/, retrieved 13/10/2019

4https://rebellion.earth/act-now/, retrieved 13/10/2019

5https://www.fairwork.gov.au/employee-entitlements/industrial-action-and-union-membership/industrial-action, retrieved 14/10/2019

6https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2019/oct/12/extinction-rebellion-elderly-protesters-arrested-and-charged-in-tasmania, retrieved 14/10/2019

1https://rebellion.earth/the-truth/about-us/, retrieved 13/10/2019

2https://www.biologicaldiversity.org/programs/biodiversity/elements_of_biodiversity/extinction_crisis/, retrieved 13/10/2019

3https://rebellion.earth/the-truth/the-emergency/, retrieved 13/10/2019

4https://rebellion.earth/act-now/, retrieved 13/10/2019

5https://www.fairwork.gov.au/employee-entitlements/industrial-action-and-union-membership/industrial-action, retrieved 14/10/2019

6https://www.theguardian.com/environment/2019/oct/12/extinction-rebellion-elderly-protesters-arrested-and-charged-in-tasmania, retrieved 14/10/2019

Adani and the problem for progressives -- Adani u l-problema għall-progressivi

 

In the Maltese diaspora outside of Australia, perhaps the word Adani does not evoke any images, however in Australia the word, which is an Indian surname, represents a proposal for a gigantic mine for thermal coal, which is used to heat water, generate steam that turns turbines to produce electricity.  The majority of the coal to be produced is expected to be exported to India.

 

The scale of the Carmichael mine, named for the homonymous river that passes through the site, can be measured when considering that its proponent, Adani Mining, a subsidiary of the Adani Group of India, says it should produce in its first stage 10MTPA (million tonnes per annum).  This is a bit bigger than other mines in the Hunter Valley in NSW and Bowen Basin in Queensland.1  The original proposal for the project was for 60MTPA.

 

Those in favour of the mine mention primarily the expected economic advantages, such as the thousands of jobs expected to be created, and billions of dollars in payments to the state and landowners where the activity is proposed.

 

The project attracted significant opposition from environmental groups, those concerned about climate change and others.  Example of the criticism that was made and still is include the huge utilisation of surface and sub-surface water; that the burning of coal will contribute substantially to climate change and this for decades; and the lack of protection of land with indigenous significance.2

 

I have sympathy with these arguments, but am a bit concerned with the tactics I’ve seen employed.  For example, just before the last federal election, a rally was organised for those opposed to the project that left Hobart in Tasmania and kept going all the way until it reached the location of the proposed digging, the Galilee Basin in Queensland.  This activity had a lot of support, but also generated lots of opposition from people in Queensland who considered participants as outsiders who wanted to interfere and stopping them earning their bread and butter.  This activity in fact is considered to be one of the main reasons why the Labor Party, which exhibited considerable ambiguity with regards to this project, to lose the election, and go particularly awry in Queensland.

 

Now there is pressure being made against any type of cooperation between enterprises offering commercial services (such as infrastructure building) and Adani Mining.3

 

When I read all this, although I understand the motivation of those involved, I often ask myself if too much attention is being devoted to what is not wanted, rather than what is wanted.

 

Let me explain my thinking with an example.  Today cars and trucks in their vast majority work with petrol and diesel, as electric cars are still in their infancy.  The burning of these fossil fuels also contributes to climate change.  Imagine a new company cropping up wanting to sell these fuels, and all hell breaking loose in order to try and stop it.  If this opposition is successful, are there enough other existing companies that can continue to supply the on-road fleet?

 

In other words, instead of trying to stop those trying to supply coal, perhaps it is better to concentrate on how to reduce demand for it.  Both roads lead to the same outcome, that is coal ultimately remaining in the ground and be unburnt.

What I am suggesting is not so revolutionary.  Today there are sufficient examples that to extend the reach of electricity to regions which do not have any, such as whole regions in India, this is possible to be achieved by many small self-contained projects, each a small independent grid with a number of small generators running off renewable energy and storage for energy that remains unused, rather than a small number of massive power stations that probably run off coal.

 

This can be done when communities pool their resources and come to an agreement to make a big step change in their quality of life.  The financing of such initiatives is today more possible than it ever was.  Political and social organisations that are forward lookng and having a vision of society functioning without greenhouse gas pollution that leads to climate change, can in conjunction with others across countries participate and launch initiatives that provide education to what can be achieved with today’s technologies; create markets where those needing finance can access a market of others ready to provide this finance; and provide technical assistance so that such projects become reality.

 

I have in mind for example versions of initiatives in micro-finance that were set up some years ago in developing nations, dedicated to this aim, or to use peer-to-peer lending platforms so that the lack of finance is removed as an impediment for the revolution that needs to occur, and this in all countries that have such a need, including those in the so-called third world.

 

Let us cooperate with the willing, rather than oppose the unwilling.

 

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Fid-dijaspora Maltija barra mill-Awstralja, forsi l-kelma Adani tfisser ftit li xejn, imma f’dik Awstraljana dik il-kelma, li hija kunjom Indjan, tirrappreżenta proposta ta’ minjiera ġganteska tal-faħam tat-tip termali, li jintuża biex jitgħalla l-ilma, u l-fwar li jiġi prodott idawwar turbini li jiġġeneraw l-elettriku.  Il-biċċa l-kbira tal-faħam propost huwa mistenni li jiġi esportat l-Indja.

 

Il-kobor tal-minjiera Carmichael, imsemmija għax-xmara omonima li tgħaddi f’nofs is-sit, tista’ titqies meta tikkunsidra li l-proponenti tagħha, Adani Mining, sussidjarja tal-Adani Group tal-Indja, jgħidu li għandha tipproduċi fl-ewwel stadju tagħha 10MTPA (miljun tunnellati ta’ faħam fis-sena). Din tiġi ftit ikbar minn minjieri oħra f’Hunter Valley ta’ NSW u Bowen Basin f’ Queensland.1  Il-proposta oriġinali tal-proġett kien ta’ 60MTPA.

 

Dawk favur il-minjiera isemmu primarjament vantaġġi ekonomiċi, bħal eluf ta’ impjiegi li mistennija li jinħolqu, u biljuni ta’ dollari fi ħlasijiet lill-istat u s-sidien tal-art fejn huwa propost li jsir l-attività.

 

Il-proġett qajjem oppożizzjoni minn gruppi ambjentalisti, dawk inkwetati mit-tibdil tal-klima u oħrajn.  Eżempji tal-kritika li saret u għadha ssir huma l-użu kbir ta’ ilma minn xmajjar u saffi ta’ blat ta’ taħt l-art; li l-ħruq tal-faħam se jikkontribwixxi b’mod sostanzjali għat-tibdil tal-klima u dan għal għexieren ta’ snin; li ma jiġux imħarsa artijiet b’valur indiġenu.2

 

Jien dawn l-argumenti tal-aħħar għandi simpatija magħhom, imma nitħasseb daqsxejn bit-tattiċi li osservajt.  Per eżempju, ftit qabel l-elezzjoni federali li għaddiet, saret ralli ta’ persuni opposti għall-proġett li telaq minn Hobart f’Tasmania u baqa tiela’ sal-post fejn hu propost li jsir it-taħfir, il-Galilee Basin ta’ Queensland.  Din l-attività kellha ħafna appoġġ, imma ġġenerat ukoll ħafna opposizzjoni minn-nies ta’ Queensland li qiesu lill-parteċipanti bħala barranin li riedu jindaħlu u jtellfulhom il-ħobża ta’ kuljum.  Din l-attività fil-fatt titqies li kienet waħda mir-raġunijiet prinċipali għalfejn il-Partit Laburista, li wera ambigwità fil-politika tiegħu lejn dan il-proġett, u tilef l-elezzjoni, mar partikolarment ħażin ġewwa Queensland.

 

Bħalissa qed ukoll isir pressjoni kontra kull tip ta’ kooperazzjoni bejn impriżi li joffru servizzi kummerċjali (bħal ngħidu aħna bini ta’ infrastruttura) u l-Adani Mining.3

 

Meta naqra dan kollu, għalkemm nifhem il-motivazzjoni tal-gruppi involuti, spiss nistaqsi lili nnifsi jekk humiex qed jinvestu l-attenzjoni tagħhom wisq fuq x’ma jridux, u inqas fuq dak li jridu.

 

Ħalli nispjega x’irrid ngħid b’eżempju.  Illum il-karrozzi u t-trakkijiet fil-biċċa l-kbira tagħhom jaħdmu bil-petrol u bid-diżil, għax il-karrozzi tal-elettriku għadhom fl-infanzja tagħhom.  Il-ħruq ta’ dawn il-fuwils ukoll jikkontribwixxu għat-tibdil tal-klima.  Immaġina li kieku titfaċċa kumpannija ġdida li trid tbigħ dawn il-fuwils, u jqumu l-irwiefen kollha biex iwaqqfuha.  Jekk jirnexxielhom, m’hemmx il-kumpanniji l-eżistenti l-oħra li jistgħu ikomplu jissuplixxu lill-flotta ta’ fuq it-toroq?

 

Fi kliem ieħor, minflok ma jippruvaw iwaqqfu lil min irid iforni l-faħam, forsi jkun aħjar li jitnaqqas id-domanda għalih.  Dawn it-toroq it-tnejn iwasslu għall-istess skop aħħari, ċjoe li l-faħam finalment jibqa’ fl-art u ma jinħaraqx.

 

Dan li qed nissuġġerixxi mhux daqshekk rivoluzzjonarju.  Illum hemm biżżejjed eżempji li biex wieħed iwassal l-enerġija elettrika fejn m’hemmx, bħal ma huma reġjuni sħaħ fl-Indja, huwa possibbli li jkun hemm ħafna proġetti żgħar, kull wieħed grid żgħir b’ħafna ġeneraturi żgħar b’enerġija li tiġġedded u l-ħażna ta’ enerġija li ma tintużax, iktar milli numru żgħir ta’ impjanti kbar li aktarx jitħaddmu bil-faħam.

 

Dan jista’ jsir fejn komunitajiet jgħaqqdu r-riżorsi tagħhom u jiftiehmu biex jagħmlu qabża kbira fil-kwalità tal-ħajja.  L-iffinanzjar ta’ inizjattivi ta’ dan it-tip huwa possibbli illum iktar minn qatt qabel.  Organizzazzjonijiet politiċi u soċjali li jixtiequ jħarsu ‘l quddiem u għandhom viżjoni ta’ soċjetà li tiffunzjona mingħajr ma’ tniġġeż l-arja bil-gassijiet li jwasslu għat-tibdil tal-klima, jistgħu bi sħab ma oħrajn f’pajjiżi oħra jipparteċipaw u jwaqqfu inizjattivi li jedukaw lil min hu interessat x’jista’ jsir bit-tekonoloġija li teżisti llum; li jinħolqu swieq fejn min għandu bżonn finanzjament jitlaqqa’ ma’ min dan il-finanzjar jista’ jagħmlu; u li tiġi offerta assistenza teknika biex proġetti simili jkunu jistgħu jsiru realtà.

 

Għandi f’moħħi per eżempju verżjonijiet tal-inizjattivi ta’ mikro-finanza li twaqqfu xi snin ilu f’pajjiżi li qed jiżviluppaw, li jkunu dedikati għal dan l-għan, jew li jintużaw pjattaformi ta’ tislif peer-to-peer ħalli n-nuqqas ta’ finanzi ma jkunx ta’ impediment għar-rivoluzzjoni li għad trid issir, u din fil-pajjiżi kollha li hemm bżonn, inklużi dawk il-pajjiżi tat-tielet dinja.

 

Nikkoperaw ma’ min irid, iktar milli nopponu lil min ma jridx.

 

 

1https://www.adaniaustralia.com/projects-businesses/mine, retrieved 16/9/2019

2https://www.stopadani.com/, retrieved 16/9/2019

3https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-09-15/adani-contractor-staffer-leaking-to-environmental-protesters/11511410, retrieved 16/9/2019

1https://www.adaniaustralia.com/projects-businesses/mine, retrieved 16/9/2019

2https://www.stopadani.com/, retrieved 16/9/2019

3https://www.abc.net.au/news/2019-09-15/adani-contractor-staffer-leaking-to-environmental-protesters/11511410, retrieved 16/9/2019