Strength of minnows and bigheads - Is-saħħa taż-żgħir u l-kbir

Earlier in March 2017, elections were held in the state of Western Australia (WA).  There was a change of government, nothing new.  The new government is made up of the Labor Party, which has turned the tables dramatically.  The Liberal Party, governing in coalition with the National Party, saw its share of the vote decline by 16%, a reduction which benefited mainly the Labor Party with 9% and the populist conservative party One Nation with 5%.

 

What struck me was not the change of government, which happens regularly in democracies, nor the scale of the shift in voting patterns, but what happened in one particular seat of that state, that of the Pilbara, a region of half a million square kilometres (as big as Spain) and a population of 50 thousand only (Birkirkara, Tas-Sliema and Ħal-Qormi in Malta together count more inhabitants).

 

The Pilbara is a place of remarkable natural beauty, one of the places I've been to in Australia.  The more memorable experiences were that of the Karijini National Park, full of narrow and steep canyons with freezing streams, and the colour red which serves as the universal backdrop to a green grass called spinefex and dark blue skies - simply spectacular.

 

The red colour is a clue to one of the two main industries in the Pilbara - iron ore (the other industry is gas).  Red is one of the colours of the mineral hematitie, which is an iron oxide (in other words, rust).  In fact, most of the iron exported from Australia comes from the Pilbara.1

 

When one remembers that Australia is the second largest source of iron ore in the world behind China,2 you could (perhaps) imagine the amount of money we're talking about.

 

So in the Pilbara, the head of the WA National Party governing with the Liberal Party, Brendon Grylls, proposed to increase an infrastructure tax paid by the huge companies digging for iron ore in that state, BHP Billiton and Rio Tinto, from 25¢ to $5 per tonne, to generate $7 billion over four years to solve the WA government's financial crisis.3

 

These companies were recently relieved when the price of iron orde doubled from its level a year back, and saw a substantial increase in their profits.4  Giving more money to the government is the last thing on their agenda.

 

So during the election, an association representing these companies which speak in billions, the Chamber of Minerals and Energy, paid $2 million for a public campaign to attack this proposal by Brendon Grylls, threatening voters with job losses and a lack of investment.

 

This campaign was so effective, and specific to Mr Grylls, that the National Party share of the vote was virtually the same as the previous one (lost less than 1% of the vote), but Mr Grylls lost 11.4% of his votes, and his seat has been called for the Labor Party, which disagrees with this policy (so it says).  So the mineral industry has invested $2 million to save $7 billion - not bad for an investment!

 

The WA Labor Party has forgotten that the Australian federal Labor Party had proposed something similar some years back.  It was the Labor Prime Minister Kevin Rudd that in 2010 had wanted to introduce a federal tax on the mining of minerals.  Then, the mineral industry had spent $22 million in a campaign against Rudd,5 and again was hugely successful as his position was greatly weakened, eventually being replaced by Julia Gillard who approached the industry on her knees, and negotiated a new tax that provided revenue to her government the equivalent of a few Maltese cheese cakes, compared to the previous proposals.

 

Until now, every attempt for the people of WA, or Australia, to share a bit more of the profits from the minerals that are dug up and exported, came to nothing after a public campaign, focused and well financed, by the minerals industry.

 

I believe that a country's resources are the country's, and companies digging them up do so, for a limited period of time, with the permission of, and under the conditions that, are requested by the citizens' representatives.  Therefore, the power resides in the country's leadership, in theory.

 

In practice, power, all of it, is vested in these massive multinationals.  They have the power to influence people, scaring them with job losses and other threats, and manipulating them during the democratic process to achieve the outcome the companies want.

 

Naturally, these are not the only organisations that use cynical and manipulative methods during elections, such as parties themselves, unions and other organisations.

 

Nevertheless it seems to me that those having the money have all the levers.  The people at large, equivalent to the minnows, tiny members of the carp family, ever careful on making ends meet and feeding their family, have to dance to the tune selected by the bigheads, at the opposite scale of the carp family, while always happy to be living in a functioning democracy!

 

No wonder confidence in the political process has faded.

 

Long live democracy!

 

-------------------------

 

Iktar kmieni f'Marzu 20176 kellna l-elezzjonijiet tal-istat ta' Western Australia (WA).  Kien hemm bidla fil-gvern, xejn ġdid.  Il-gvern il-ġdid huwa magħmul mill-Partit Laburista, li qaleb il-folja drammatikament.  Il-Partit Liberali, li kien fil-gvern b'koalizzjoni mal-Partit Nazzjonali, ra s-sehem tal-vot tiegħu jonqos b'kwazi 16%, tnaqqis li bbenefikaw minnu l-iktar il-Partit Laburista b'9% u l-partit konservattiv populista One Nation b'5%.

 

Li laqatni ma kienx li nbidel gvern, ħaġa li tiġri regolarment f'demokraziji, lanqas l-iskala tal-bidla fil-votazzjoni, imma dak li ġara f'siġġu minn dak l-istat, dak tal-Pilbara, reġjun ta' nofs miljun kilometru kwadru (bejn wieħed u ieħor daqs Spanja), u popolazzjoni ta' 50 elf biss (Birkirara, Tas-Sliema u Ħal Qormi flimkien għandhom iktar nies).

 

Il-Pilbara huwa post ta' sbuħija naturali liema bħalha, wieħed mill-postijiet li kont żort fl-Awstralja.  L-iktar li niftakar minnu huma Ppark Nnazzjonali jismu Kariġini, li mimli b'widien dojoq u weqfin b'nixxiegħa ġierja bl-ilma ffriżat, u l-kulur aħmar li jservi ta' sfond kullimkien għal ħaxix ħadrani jismu spinefex u s-sema kaħlan skur - sempliċement spettakolari.

 

Il-kulur aħmar jagħti ħjiel għal waħda miż-żewġ industriji prinċipali tal-Pilbara - il-ħadid (l-industrija l-oħra hija l-gass).  L-aħmar huwa wieħed mill-kuluri tal-minerali ħematite, li huwa ossidu tal-ħadid (fi kliem ieħor, sadid).  Fil-fatt, il-biċċa l-kbira tal-ħadid esportat mill-Awstralja ġej mill-Pilbara.1

 

Meta wieħed jiftakar li l-Awstralja hija t-tieni l-ikbar produttur tal-ħadid fid-dinja wara ċ-Ċina,2 tista' timmaġina (forsi) l-iskala ta' flus li qed nitkellmu fuqhom.

 

Mela fil-Pilbara, il-kap tal-Partit Nazzjonali f'WA li kien qed jiggverna mal-Partit Liberali, jismu Brendon Grylls, ippropona li jżid taxxa tal-infrastruttura li titħallas mill-kumpanniji l-kbar li jħaffru għall-ħadid f'dak l-istat, il-BHP Billiton u Rio Tinto, minn 25¢ għal $5 kull tunnellata, biex jiġu ġġenerati $7 biljun fuq erba' snin biex isolvu l-kriżi finanzjarja tal-gvern ta' WA.3

 

Dawn il-kumpanniji reċentement ħadu r-ruħ meta l-prezz tal-ħadid irdoppja milli kien sena ilu, u raw żieda sostanzjali fil-profitti tagħhom.4  Li jagħtu flus lill-gvern b'rata iktar għolja hija l-aħħar ħaġa fuq l-aġenda tagħhom.

 

Għalhekk, waqt l-elezzjoni, għaqda li tirrappreżenta lil dawn il-kumpanniji li jitkellmu bil-biljuni, Chamber of Minerals and Energy, ħallset $2 miljun għal kampanja fuq pubblika biex jattakkaw qatta bla ħabel lil din il-proposta ta' Brendon Grylls, hedde        dt lill-votanti b'telf ta' impjiegi u nuqqas ta' investiment.

 

Din il-kampanja tant kienet effettiva, u speċifikata għas-Sur Grylls, li l-Partit Nazzjonali kważi baqa' fejn kien fl-elezzjoni (tilef inqas minn 1% tal-voti), imma s-Sur Grylls tilef 11.4% tal-voti, u s-siġġu tiegħu aktarx jintrebaħ mill-Partit Laburista, li din il-politika ma jaqbilx magħha (qal).  Mela l-industrija tal-minerali investiet $2 miljun biex tiffranka $7 biljun - dak investiment li jrendi!

 

Nesa l-Partit Laburista ta' WA li l-Partit Laburista federali Awstraljan kien ippropona xi ħaġa simili xi snin ilu.  Kien il-Prim Ministru Laburista Kevin Rudd fl-2010 li ried idaħħal taxxa federali fuq il-tħaffir għall-minerali.  Dakinhar, l-industrija tal-minerali nefqet $22 miljun fil-kampanja kontra Rudd,5 u wkoll kellha suċċess kbir għax dgħajfet il-pożizzjoni tiegħu, ħadet postu Julia Gillard li marret għarkubbtejha quddiem l-industrija tal-minerali, u nnegozjat taxxa ġdida li daħħlet flus lill-gvern l-eqwivalenti ta' ftit pastizzi, imqabbla mal-proposti ta' qabel.

 

S'issa, kull attentat biex il-poplu ta' WA, jew dak Awstraljan, igawdi iktar mill-profitti tal-minerali li jiġu mħaffra u esportati, ġew fix-xejn wara kampanja pubblika, iffukata u ffinanzjata tajjeb, tal-industrija tal-minerali.

 

Jien jidhirli li r-riżorsi tal-pajjiż huma tal-pajjiż, u l-kumpanniji li jħaffruhom jagħmlu hekk, għal perjodu limitat ta' żmien, bil-permess ta', u taħt il-kundizzjonijiet li, jintalbu mir-rappreżentanti taċ-ċittadini.  Għalhekk, il-poter huwa f'idejn min imexxi, fit-teorija.

 

Fil-prattika, il-poter, kollu, huwa f'idejn il-kumpanniji kbar multinazzjonali.  Għandhom il-poter li jinfluwenzaw lin-nies, iwerwruhom bin-nuqqas ta' impjiegi u theddid ieħor, u jimmanipulawhom waqt il-proċess demokratiku biex iġibu r-riżultat li jixtiequ.

 

Naturalment, dawn mhumiex l-uniċi organizzazzjonijiet li jużaw metodi ċiniċi u manipulattivi waqt elezzjonijiet, fosthom partiti, unjins u organizzazzjonijiet oħra.

 

Imma jidhirli jien li dawk li għandhom il-flus għandhom is-saħħa kollha, u l-popolin li jrid joqgħod attent kif se jdawwar ir-rota u jgħajjex 'il-familja, ħajtu kollha jiżfen żifna li l-mużika għaliha jiddeċidiha min għandu interessi kummerċjali kbar, filwaqt li dejjem kuntent li qed titwettaq id-demokrazija!

 

Mhux ta' b'xejn li l-kunfidenza fil-proċess politiku kważi sparixxa.

 

Viva d-demokrazija!

 

1http://www.ga.gov.au/scientific-topics/minerals/mineral-resources/iron-ore, retrieved 21/3/2017

2http://www.ironorefacts.com/the-facts/iron-ore-global-markets/, retrieved 21/3/2017

3http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-03-19/fall-of-wa-nationals-leader-brendon-grylls-and-his-mining-tax/8367508, retrieved 21/3/2017

4https://thewest.com.au/politics/state-election-2017/bhp-big-profit-fuel-for-grylls-mining-tax-hike-ng-b88393902z, retrieved 21/3/2017

5http://www.smh.com.au/business/a-snip-at-22m-to-get-rid-of-pm-20110201-1acgj.html, retrieved 21/3/2017

1http://www.ga.gov.au/scientific-topics/minerals/mineral-resources/iron-ore, retrieved 21/3/2017

2http://www.ironorefacts.com/the-facts/iron-ore-global-markets/, retrieved 21/3/2017

3http://www.abc.net.au/news/2017-03-19/fall-of-wa-nationals-leader-brendon-grylls-and-his-mining-tax/8367508, retrieved 21/3/2017

4https://thewest.com.au/politics/state-election-2017/bhp-big-profit-fuel-for-grylls-mining-tax-hike-ng-b88393902z, retrieved 21/3/2017

5http://www.smh.com.au/business/a-snip-at-22m-to-get-rid-of-pm-20110201-1acgj.html, retrieved 21/3/2017

Personal relationships in modern life -- Relazzjonijiet personali fil-ħajja moderna

Lately for some reason I've been thinking about my own personal relationships through my life, how these changed with time and how much they were effected by the culture of the place.

 

My first experiences came from Gozo, in Għarb and San Lawrenz where my parents lived for many years.  Villages there are very small, and generally people know everybody's families intimately, not only the inhabitants of their street but of the whole village and beyond.  There, families are raised, live and grow together, and I felt the sense of community was (maybe still is) very strong.  The primary interest, at least in the past, in the village patron saint and the official feast used to nurture the community.

 

An places having two patron saints, well these have two communities, but anyway!

 

All this proximity has its disadvantages as well, as gossip about him and her wouldn't stop, with any gaps in the story being creatively filled, with reputations torn to shreds overnight!

 

When I got older a bit, I realised that the experience of the location we were living in, Paola which is a bigger town in Malta, was different.  We used to know our surrounding families and a few others further afield, but that was it.  I felt we weren't that close to each other, even if we used to attend formal events, such as some friends' birthdays.  News about local inhabitants were not that present, probably also due to us not being originally from there.

 

Upon getting married and living in Żejtun, my experience was rather similar to that of Paola.

 

Coming to Australia, my experience was completely different.  Here in Sydney with its 5 million inhabitants, we knew next to no one and it remained that way for years.  Our neighbours don't walk much from their home or meet for common activities, so the opportunity to get to know someone from your street are limited.  At work you make some friends, however also realise there are many cultures, and its easy to be misunderstood, or to misunderstand someone.  For those who are immigrants, this is one obstacle you wouldn't expect on arrival, especially if thinking that your education and knowledge of the English language should smooth your way.

 

I still feel strange walking on the street, knowing no one and known by no one, coming face to face with so many people with an 'indifferent look, a cold heart and in a hurry', as recited in a prayer I remember from the Santa Luċija church in Malta so many years ago.

 

I have to say, I started feeling a bit more comfortable reaching out to the Maltese community in Sydney.  Not only could I talk in Maltese (with those who hadn't switched to English) but the fact of having a common root, even shared memories, make you feel better able to be understood, even if everyone is still a stranger and has his/her own life, living far from each other, generally meeting only in some club or cultural activity.

 

Then some years ago, we went on a long tour of Australia, where we were even weeks away from urban centres, sometimes in really remote places, and something happened I wasn't expecting.

 

We used to be driving on a road, and the few drivers we met used to signal us in greeting as they were passing.  If stopped on the side of the road, the single vehicles driving pass would slow or stop and ask us if we needed anything.  And if we did need something, they would stop and stay there to help.

 

We realised that the more remote you are, the more the few people happening to be there realise they need each other, feel they need to help each other and that they can share their stories, and resources, with each other, even if they had never met before.  Time is given generously, no holding back.

 

I can say that in my hour of need, I did find help, both useful and timely, help for which one would say 'thank God' in situations that seemed difficult at the time.  These people were not Maltese, but Australians coming from around the continent.

 

Another time we were in Adelaide.  Now this is a city, not a small town, with more than a million inhabitants.  Here you would expect the same impersonal attitude found in the major cities.  Nevertheless, we were surprised sometimes to be stationary on a pavement deciding where to go or how to get there, and being approached by people we didn't know and asking us if we needed any help.

 

I can say that in my 11 years in Sydney, this has never happened once.

 

Therefore I conclude that man's social and civic sense does not depend on whether one is Maltese, Australian or Russian, whether he's Christian, Buddhist or atheist.  It depends upon the realisation that we are all swimming in the same ocean, bobbing up and down in little boats roughly the same size, that today or tomorrow my boat will spring a leak, and it's a win-win situation if everyone cooperates.

 

On the other hand, when there are gazillions of boats, quite a few of which are made with advanced technology that gives a sense of safety 'guarantee' to their rich owners, these might feel that they don't need anyone or anybody, and so this social and civic sense gradually crumbles and withers away, disappearing like light snow in the sun.

 

I ask, where is the real wealth?

 

---------------------

 

Dan l-aħħar għal xi raġuni qgħadtn naħseb fuq l-esperjenza ta' relazzjonijiet personali li kelli matul ħajti, kif dawn imbidlu maż-żmien u kemm kienu affettwati mill-kultura tal-post.

 

L-ewwel esperjenzi tiegħi ġew minn Għawdex, fl-Għarb u San Lawrenz minn fejn għexu għal ħafna snin il-ġenituri tiegħi.  L-irħula hemmhekk huma żgħar ħafna, u n-nies ikunu jafu sew ir-razza u r-radika kollha, mhux biss tan-nies tat-triq tagħhom, imma tar-raħal kollu u lil'hinn minnu.  Hemmhekk il-familji jitrabbew, jgħixu u jikbru flimkien, u s-sens ta' komunità kont inħossha (forsi għadha) qawwija ħafna.  L-interess ewlieni, talinqas fil-passat, fil-qaddis/a tar-raħal u l-festa titulari kienu jrawwmu din il-komunità.

 

U f'postijiet fejn kienikun hemm żewġ qaddisin, kien ikun hemm żewġ komunitajiet, imma insomma!

 

Dik il-qrubija kollha għandha l-iżvantaġġi tagħha wkoll, għax iz-zekzik tan-nies fuq dak u fuq l-oħra ma kien jaqta' xejn, u fejn ma nafux inżewqu xi ftit, u dlonk ir-reputazzjonijiet isiru trietaq!

 

Meta kbirt ftit, bdejn nirrealizza li l-esperjenza fejn konna noqogħdu f'Malta, f'Raħal Ġdid li huwa daqsxejn ikbar f'Malta, kienet differenti.  Konna nafu l-familji li joqogħdu madwarna u xi oħrajn ftit iktar imbiegħdin, imma daqshekk.  Kont inħoss li m'aħniex daqshekk qrib ta' xulxin, anke jekk konna nattendu għal xi attivajiet formali, bħal għeluq snin ta' xi ħbieb.  L-aħbarijiet fuq in-nies tal-post kienu inqas fuq fomm kulħadd, mhux l-inqas probabbilment għax fil-fatt ma konniex tal-post.

 

Meta żżewwiġt u morna noqogħdu fiż-Żejtun, l-esperjenza tiegħi kienet pjuttost simili għal dik ta' Raħal Ġdid.

 

Meta ġejna l-Awstralja, l-esperjenza kienet kompletament differenti.  Hawnhekk, f'Sydney li fiha 5 miljun ruħ, ma konna nafu kważi lil ħadd u domna hekk għal snin.  In-nies ta' fejn noqogħdu ma tantx jimxu fit-triq mid-dar tagħhom jew jiltaqgħu għal attivitajiet komuni, għalhekk l-opportunità li ssir taf lil xi ħadd mit-triq tiegħek hija limitata.  Fuq ix-xogħol tagħmel xi ħbieb, imma tinduna wkoll li hawn ħafna kulturi differenti, u huwa faċli li tinftiehem ħażin, jew li tifhem lil ħaddieħor ħażin.  Għal min hu immigrant, dan huwa ostaklu li wieħed forsi ma jistennix meta jiġi, speċjalment meta wieħed jaħseb li bl-edukazzjoni u bit-tagħrif tal-lingwa Ingliża għandek tkampa.

 

Għadni nħossni stramb ħafna, nimxi fit-triq, ma naf lil ħadd u ma jafni ħadd, tħabbat wiċċek ma tant nies imma kulħadd 'b'ħarsa indifferenti, bil-qalb magħluqa u bil-pass imgħaġġel', bħal talba li kont ngħid waqt il-quddies f'Santa Luċija ta' Malta tant snin ilu.

 

Ngħid għalija, erġajt bdejt inħossni ftit komdu kif ersaqt lejn il-komunità Maltija ta' Sydney.  Mhux biss li tista' titkellem bil-Malti (ma' min ma qalibx għall-Ingliż) imma dik il-ħaġa li hemm għerq komuni, anke memorji komuni, tħoss li huwa iktar faċli tinftiehem, anke jekk kulħadd huwa stranġier u għandu l-ħajja tiegħu, u jgħixu sparpaljati, jiltaqgħu ġeneralment f'xi klabb jew għal xi attività.

 

Imbagħad ftit snin ilu, għamilna ġita twila madwar l-Awstralja, fejn konna anke ġimgħat 'il bogħod miċ-ċentri urbani, fid-diżabitat toqtol u tidfen, u ġrat xi ħaġa li ma konniex qiegħdin nistennew.

 

Inkunu qed insuqu fit-triq, u l-ftit sewwieqa li tiltaqa' magħhom isellmulna.  Inkunu weqfin mat-triq, u jieqfu vetturi waħdiena li jkunu għaddejjin biex jistaqsuna jekk għandniex bżonn xi ħaġa.  U jekk verament ikollna bżonn xi ħaġa, jibqgħu hemmhekk biex jagħtuk daqqa t'id.

 

Indunajna li iktar ma tkun fid-diżabitat, iktar il-ftit nies li jibqgħu jindunaw li għandhom bżonn lil xulxin, u iktar iħossu li wieħed għandu jgħin lill-ieħor, iktar iħoss li jista' jaqsam l-istorja tiegħu, u l-mezzi tiegħu, ma' ħaddieħor, anke jekk ma jafux minn Adam.  U l-ħin jingħata b'ġenerożità, u mhux bit-tqanċiċ.

 

Nista' ngħid li meta ġejt bżonn, sibt għajnuna siewja f'waqtha, għajnuna li għaliha wieħed jgħid 'imn'Alla', f'sitwazzjonijiet li dak il-ħin dehru diffiċli.  Dawn in-nies mhux Maltin kienu, imma Awstraljani ġejjin minn madwar il-kontinent.

 

Darb'oħra għamilna xi ġranet f'Adelaide.  Issa din hija belt, mhux raħal żgħir, b'iktar minn miljun ruħ.  Għawnhekk, wieħed jistenna l-istess attitudni impersonali li ssib fil-bliet il-kbar.  Madankollu, bqajna sorpriżi li kultant inkunu weqfin fuq xi bankina qegħdin niddeċiedu minn fejn se ngħaddu jew fejn se mmorru, u javviċinawna nies li ma nafuhomx u jistaqsuna jekk għandniex bżonn xi ħaġa.  Nista ngħid li fi ħdax -il sena f'Sydney, din il-ħaġa qatt ma ġratilna.

 

Għalhekk, jien nikkonkludi li s-sens soċjali u ċivika tal-bniedem ma tiddependix minn jekk hux Malti, Awstraljan jew Russu, jew jekk hux Nisrani, Buddist jew ateu.  Tiddependi mill-għarfien li aħna lkoll qiegħdin naqdfu fl-istess oċean f'dgħajjes żgħar bejn wieħed u ieħor indaqs, li llum il-waħda u l-għada l-oħra se jkollha l-ħsara, li hu tajjeb għal kulħadd li kulħadd jikkoopera flimkien.

 

Mill-banda l-oħra, meta jkun hemm viżibilju ta' dgħajjes, li ħafna minnhom huma magħmula b'teknoloġija avvanzata li tagħti sens ta 'garanzija' ta' siġurtà lis-sidien sinjuri tagħhom, dawn għandhom mnejn iħossu li m'għandhom bżonn lil xejn u lil ħadd, allura dan is-sens soċjali u ċiviku jikkrolla għal kollox, jgħib qisu borra ħafifa fix-xemx.

 

Jien nistaqsi, fejn tassew tinsab l-għana li tgħodd?